George Schultz on Korean Air Lines Flight 007

George Schultz on Korean Air Lines Flight 007


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Secretary of State George Schultz addresses the press after the Soviets shot down Korean Air Lines Flight 007 on September 1, 1983. The commercial jetliner had wandered into Soviet air space en route from Anchorage to Seoul.


Timeline: 1983

Jan 5 In the US, to combat inflation Paul Volcker of the Federal Reserve Board is holding interest rates high, at 13 percent.

Jan 7 President Reagan signs into law the first increase in federal gasoline taxes in 23 years, intended for rehabilitation and improvement of highways, bridges and mass transit systems.

Jan 24 Oil prices are stable at $34 a gallon. World oil supplies are up and demand has not been rising. OPEC oil ministers agree to cut production to keep prices of oil up.

Jan 24 In Italy, 25 members of the Red Brigade are sentenced to life imprisonment for the murder of Aldo Moro.

Feb 7 Iran invades Iraq, continuing a war that began in 1980.

Mar 8 In a speech to the National Association of Evangelicals, President Reagan warns against ignoring "the aggressive impulses of an evil empire," the Soviet Union.

Mar 23 President Reagan proposes technology to intercept enemy missiles.

Mar 24 Senator Kennedy labels Reagan's idea a reckless "Star Wars" scheme and speaks of its enormous cost. Some worry that the Soviets will see it as giving the US a first strike capability. Skeptical scientists will say it can't work. Military contractors will make substantial campaign contributions to encourage spending on the effort.

Apr 1 Europeans protest the presence of US nuclear weapons on their continent.

Apr 7 Families of the more than 500 Argentine servicemen missing in the Falkland war have been campaigning for information. Britain tells them that it has no secret clues to their fate.

Apr 15 In Argentina the military government takes a step toward the return of civilian rule. It restores the rights of 19 political and labor leaders to take part in political activity.

Apr 18 A car packed with explosives is crashed into the US embassy in Beirut killing 17 US foreign service and military personnel and more than 40 Lebanese. Islamic Jihad claims responsibility. There will be no rush to defend against this terrorist technique.

Apr 19 An Argentine human rights organization lists 47 secret detention camps where political prisoners were interrogated and tortured in the late 1970's.

May 4 The Vatican criticizes Argentina's military government for its campaign against leftists in the late 1970s.

May 17 Lebanon, Israel, and the United States agree to a phased Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon, contingent upon a Syrian withdrawal.

Jun 9 Elections in Britain give Margaret Thatcher a landslide victory, the result, it is said, of an improved economy and her victory in the Falklands.

A stripped Tamil youth shortly before he is doused with gasoline and set afire.

Jun 15 US Secretary of State, George Schultz, is struggling against hawks: Secretary of Defense Casper Weinberger and others. Schultz has been preparing for negotiations with the Soviet Union. He tells senators that "Strength and realism can deter war but only direct dialogue and negotiation can open the path toward lasting peace."

Jul 4 A letter from Communist Party chief Yuri Andropov to President Reagan suggests elimination of the nuclear threat. Reagan responds with the suggestion that US and Soviet negotiators pursue this at Geneva.

Jul 20 The government of Poland declares an end to martial law.

Jul 23 In Sri Lanka, Tamil guerrillas ambush and kill 13 government soldiers. This is followed by Sinhala mobs rioting and killing from 400 to 3,000 Tamils.

Jul 25-28 In Colombo, capitol of Sri Lanka, gangs rampage against the Tamil minority. Close to 1,000 Tamils will be estimated as having been killed, and more than 100,000 Tamil homes destroyed. This will be called Black July and mark the beginning of all-out war between the Tamil minority and the Singhalese dominated government.

Aug 21 In Manila, Benigno Aquino, Jr., a longtime advocate of democracy for the Philippines and a foremost enemy of the regime of Ferdinand Marcos, returns from exile, and as he debarks from the airliner, with the military standing by, he is shot dead.

Stanislav Petrov. He saves the world from nuclear distruction.

Bernard Coard, super-revolutionary, responsible for the death of Marxist leader Maurice Bishop

Sep 1 Korean Air Flight 007 takes off from Anchorage, Alaska, heading for Seoul, South Korea. It veers slightly off course, flies over the southern tips of Kamchatka Peninsula and Sakhalin Island, Soviet territory, and is shot down by a Soviet aircraft. All 269 on board are killed.

Sep 23 Violence erupts in New Caledonia between native Kanaks and French expatriates. The French government withdraws its promise of independence.

Sep 25 Reports from satellites signal to Soviet security forces that a nuclear attack from the United States is pending. A diligent Russian lieutenant colonel, Stanislav Petrov, averts nuclear war by discovering a computer error.

Oct 7 On the island of Grenada, the Deputy Prime Minister, Bernard Coard, sees Maurice Bishop as too moderate. He has military officers on his side who have been criticized lately. They overthrow Bishop and place Bishop under house arrest.

Oct 13 Bishop has been rescued from house arrest. He is recaptured and with some of his supporters executed.

Oct 23 For months leaders in the Caribbean have agreed with Reagan that Grenada could become a Communist danger for the region. President Reagan decides to send the US troops to Grenada.

Oct 23 Since September 1982, US Marines are still in Lebanon, ordered there by President Reagan to support the Lebanese armed forces. They are based at a reinforced concrete structure by the Beirut airport. A truck crashes into the Marine barracks, demolishing it and killing 241 Marines.

Oct 25 Reagan sends US forces to Grenada, asserting that 800 US medical students who are at St. George's School of Medicine are in danger and that an airport being built there, with Cuban assistance, is a danger to the United States.

Oct 30 The election victory of Raúl Alfonsín restores democracy to Argentina.

Nov 2 President Reagan signs a bill creating Martin Luther King Day.

Dec 3 The US Secretary of Defense, Caspar W. Weinberger, says he thinks the Soviet Union is ahead of the United States in developing weapons to repel nuclear attacks from outer space and that this frightens him.

Dec 15 After more than a month of fighting, leaders of the Communist forces in Grenada have been rounded up, as have a few Cubans, Russians, North Koreans, Libyans, East Germans, Bulgarians. They have been put in a "detention camp." A nine-member advisor council is left to govern until elections are held. All US combat forces leave Grenada.

Dec 19-20 President Saddam Hussein greets Donald Rumsfeld, then special envoy of President Ronald Reagan. The US has been interested in restoring normal diplomatic relations with the Hussein regime. The Iraqi foreign minister says that Iraq is "not interested in making mischief in the world.&rdquo

Dec 26 Poland's Communist government is still working on trying to appease public opinion. Thirty political prisoners are being released as a gesture to the Roman Catholic Church. The church is negotiating for the release of others: some prominent dissidents and senior officials of the still outlawed trade union, Solidarity.

Dec 31 Brunei gains independence from the United Kingdom.

Dec 31 Two bombs explode in France. One on the Paris train kills 3 and injures 19. The other at Marseille station kills 2 and injures 34. Police suspect the leftist terrorist-revolutionary for Palestinian causes, Carlos the Jackal.

Dec 31 In the US, inflation is down to an annual rate of 3.22 percent. Paul Volcker has lowered interest rates to 9 percent, and this is encouraging more lending, investment and home buying.


Who Killed Congressman Larry McDonald?


Ronald Reagan, the Western Goals Foundation & the Downing of KAL Flight 007
By Mae Brussell
Hustler magazine, February 1984

In the aftermath of the Korean Air Lines disaster that shocked the world on September 1, 1983, the editors of the Los Angeles Herald-Examiner contended with a series of nagging questions. Prominent among them was the following:

Q: Is there reason to believe that Rep. Lawrence McDonald of Georgia, an admittedly ultra-right U.S. congressman traveling on 007, may have been deliberately assassinated aboard the flight?

A: “While the [U.S.] government has made no such charge, McDonald’s widow claims that her husband, the national chairman of the John Birch Society, was ‘murdered.’ She holds that it was no accident that ‘the leading anti-Communist in the American government’ had been on a plane that was ‘forced into Soviet territory’ and shot down.”

Another question to be addressed is: Why would the Soviet Union wish to make a martyr of Larry McDonald? If the Russians are the experts at terrorism they’re supposed to be, it would seem obvious that they could find an easier way to get rid of the congressman than chasing his airplane over Soviet territory for 2 1/2 hours. They could have easily blown him away anywhere in the world.

Furthermore, it is hard to believe that KAL Flight 007 was forced into Soviet airspace, as if a giant mechanism had sucked McDonald toward his mortal enemy. During the strange 2 1/2 hours that 007 ventured as far as 226 miles inside Soviet airspace, the Russians were testing new missiles directly below. They didn’t need any more problems.

And I doubt that McDonald, fanatic as he was, deserves the label of “leading anti-Communist in the American government.” He has pretty stiff competition from A.G. “Fritz” Kraemer, Sven Kraemer, John Lenczowski, Paula Dobriansky, William Clark, Jeanne Kirkpatrick, William Casey, Henry Kissinger, Dr. Ernest Lefevre, William F. Buckley, James Buckley, Richard Pipes, General Daniel O. Graham and a cast of thousands.

An article that appeared immediately after the shooting down of 007 accused Secretary of the Navy John Lehman of responsibility for “the deaths of 269 over Sakhalin Island.” Lehman’s strategic design, known as “Horizontal Escalation” in defense circles, outlines a series of provocations against the USSR. Lehman: “He who gets the signal to fire first in the North Pacific will enjoy a tremendous tactical advantage. This region … is most probably where we shall witness confrontation with the Soviet Union.”

Thus, while Europe and the U.S. divert the public with NATO missile debates, plans are formulated for a first strike in the Pacific. South Korea, Japan and the U.S. are at collectively at work on these plans. Sending spy planes over the Soviet Union serves the purpose of provocation.

Five days after the 007 incident, former CIA spy Ralph McGehee told a college audience that the Korean airliner was indeed on a spy mission. He also believes that the Russians thought 007 was an RC-135 intelligence plane.

It was Senator Jesse Helms (R-North Carolina) – another archconservative ideologue anti-union, anti-government, anti-Communist and an opponent of an international treaty on genocide – who arranged McDonald’s invitation to attend the celebration commemorating the 30th anniversary of the official U.S. entry into the Korean War.

Instead of traveling together, however, Helms and McDonald arrived in Anchorage, Alaska – the first stop of the journey to South Korea – on separate planes. The fact that McDonald was the only person in the 36-member American delegation to fly alone seems strange. After refueling, the Boeing 747 carrying Helms arrived at its destination safely. But McDonald – and his fellow passengers on Flight 007 – were not so fortunate.

As depicted in the books by Ian Fleming, 007 was James Bond’s “license to kill.” In this case, who had the license to kill? Was it the CIA and its Korean counterpart, the KCIA? They were formed at approximately the same time and work together closely.

The fact that McDonald and Helms flew on separate planes brings up several more unanswered questions. Who sat next to McDonald? Korean Air Lines must have a boarding pass for that passenger. If nobody used the seat, and if McDonald was accompanied by others in the American delegation, why didn’t one of them occupy the seat? Where were the staff or advisory members of McDonald’s Western Goals Foundation, a data bank in Alexandria, Virginia, that serves as a national right-wing clearinghouse for negative information about leftists? Why was McDonald left to die alone?

Who actually gained by Flight 007’s violation of Soviet territory? Not the Russians. They were in preparation for the next week’s meeting in Madrid, Spain, between U.S. Secretary of State George Schultz and Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko, also the resumption of arms-reduction talks and the annual United Nations meeting. An incident of any kind would – and did – set world opinion against them at a critical time.

On the other hand, the U.S. government benefited by gathering valuable military information about Soviet radar and defensive capabilities in the hours preceding the crash. Other benefits to the State Department and Pentagon included favorable MX-missile and binary nerve-gas votes from a knee-jerk Congress.

Clearly, Larry McDonald did not die at the hands of Soviet planners. The most important explanation for his demise relates to recent revelations about his clandestine activities. A prior relationship between McDonald and President Reagan started to surface before the crash. Illicit espionage concealed behind a cloak of righteous Americanism at any price was about to be exposed.

The media, along with many other institutions and individuals, had purposely withheld the darker side of Reagan’s years as California governor from the 1980 Presidential campaign. Now the dirty laundry of the past was starting to leak out.

Key backers, financiers and appointees of Ronald Reagan have always been involved in political spying – and worse. California was rife with intrigue. Nixon and Reagan were from California. And California is where the bubble burst. The trail leading to the connection between Reagan and McDonald is long and winding. But the facts prove collusion between informers hired by Reagan when he was governor and McDonald’s Western Goals Foundation. The methods – and even the persons involved – were the same in both cases.

The first indication that something was even more rotten than usual in California came on August 15, 1980, when Warren Hinckle – the former editor of Ramparts magazine – noted that the snooping of Jerry Ducote appeared to involve members of Ronald Reagan’s gubernatorial staff. (Ducote was a former sheriff’s deputy employed by Reagan’s backers to infiltrate suspected subversive groups.)

“What is happening in Santa Clara County today is the germ of the biggest scandal of the next 1 1/2 years,” Hinckle said. “People thought that with Watergate it was all over. But this is the next layer of Watergate.”

On January 4, 1983, nearly 2 1/2 years after Hinckle’s prediction, Detective Jay Paul of the Los Angeles Police Department supplied a weary team of investigators with the connection between Larry McDonald and Ronald Reagan. That day marked the end of McDonald’s usefulness to the larger network he served. He had become a liability to some very important people.

A carefully-constructed web of deceit was brought down by the massive volumes of files illegally assembled on law-abiding citizens by the L.A. Police Department’s Public Disorder Intelligence Division (PDID). The files were ordered destroyed in 1975, but it was later discovered that LAPD officers kept the data-bank information.

Enraged by this disobedience, the Los Angeles Police Commission officially requested the files. But by then, Lieutenant Thomas Scheidecker had stolen at least 10,000 pages of documents, and PDID Detective Jay Paul had moved a huge batch of files to his garage in Long Beach. Attorney Ann Love, his wife, was paid $30,000 a year to feed a sophisticated $100,000 computer data that had been ordered destroyed.

Broken Seals was a typical piece of Western Goals ultra-con propaganda, an alarming “report on the attempts to destroy the foreign and domestic intelligence capabilities of the United States.” The foreword was written by Daniel O. Graham, former director of the DIA, who went on to chair the High Frontiers Foundation in support of Reagan’s Strategic Defense Initiative.

The information eventually wound up in the computer of the Western Goals Foundation And lo and behold, the man who paid Ann Love was Representative Larry McDonald, chairman of Western Goals.

Also caught up in the web was John Rees, an editor at the Western Goals Foundation, and a longtime associate of Jerry Ducote by way of their common employers and similar methods of accumulating data. Both acted as agents provocateurs.

“An agent provocateur is a police agent who is introduced into any political organization with instructions to foment discontent . . . or to take a case in order to give his employers the right to act against the organization in question,” according to Colonel Victor Kaledin of Imperial Russian Military Intelligence.

Ducote was employed by key Reagan supporters and the John Birch Society. Rees collaborated with the Birch Society and a host of other right-wing groups, feeding them information to harass and embarrass those who opposed their point of view.

Reagan’s man, Ducote, and Larry McDonald’s crony, John Rees, worked together at the San Francisco-based Western Research, also known as Research West. Ducote secluded himself behind unmarked doors, running a blacklisting service for industry. The results of his spying were added to a repository of information used by Governor Reagan to screen out potential state employees with leftist political tendencies contrary to his own beliefs.

At the same time, photographs of rallies and demonstrations – along with copies of underground newspapers – were supplied to Western Research by agents of the Los Angeles Police Department. In turn, Western Research sold background information on employees and advised corporations about possible risks.

Research West, an incarnation, maintained close ties with law enforcement and corporate data banks, employing spies to feed information to utility companies anxious to identify anti-nuclear activists. Clearly, blacklisting didn’t end with the death of Senator Joseph McCarthy. The witch hunt never ceased.

Last January in Los Angeles, the American Civil Liberties Union filed a lawsuit on behalf of 131 law-abiding groups and individuals who were illegally spied upon. Among the defendants in this case were 54 police officers from the LAPD’s Public Disorder Intelligence Division.

The law firm representing the defendants was Gibson, Dunn and Crutcher. Curiously enough, Attorney General William French Smith was a partner in that firm. And none other than President Ronald Reagan is a client of Gibson, Dunn and Crutcher in all personal legal matters.

Time was running out for Larry McDonald after many years of stealing, bugging and compiling. He was about to be subpoenaed by a Los Angeles County grand jury. His testimony – particularly the parts relating to the feeding of illegal police intelligence files to his Long Beach computer – could embarrass and even damage a great number of powerful people.

Several weeks after the downing of Flight 007, Soviet President Yuri Andropov blamed the United States for a “sophisticated provocation, masterminded by U.S. special services, an example of extreme adventurism in politics.”

How could the United States have written such a script? Larry McDonald was going to embarrass President Reagan if too many of the documents from California were exposed. They shared common spies and common enemies. So let’s assume that the CIA, FBI and all federal agencies that worked with McDonald – particularly the Pentagon – wanted him silenced immediately. At the same time, because McDonald was so violently anti-Communist, why not make the Soviets responsible for his murder? A New Right martyr could be created in the struggle against communism. Remember the Pueblo?

The scenario might have continued in the following way:

• There would be a celebration in South Korea early in September. McDonald had strong ties to Korean-born Reverend Sun Myung Moon, leader of the Unification Church (the Moonies) and the South Korean military. Arrange for McDonald to attend that celebration in South Korea.

(Dorothy Hunt, CIA officer and wife of Watergate defendant E. Howard Hunt, was blown up in a commercial airliner over Chicago, and nobody seemed to care. Undoubtedly, her murder scared into silence the primary witnesses who could have embarrassed President Nixon at the time he was paying them to “plead guilty” before sinking his presidency. Incidentally, the espionage activities of both E. Howard Hunt and Congressman McDonald were entangled with the Los Angeles Police Department.)

• Send spy planes over the USSR continuously. The Soviet Union does not appreciate such flights violating its territory. By putting McDonald on a commercial airliner and timing its incursion inside Soviet airspace with spy-plane operations at the same time, an attack by Soviet missiles would be assured.

One of the many mysteries of Flight 007 is the total lack of communication between its pilots and U.S., Korean and Japanese listening posts. This is known as maintaining radio silence.

Furthermore, 007 left Kennedy Airport in New York with a defective radio and navigational system. When the pilot on the first leg of the flight disembarked in Anchorage, he assumed the plane’s malfunctioning parts would be repaired. But this didn’t happen.

It is common knowledge to all pilots flying over Soviet territory that aircraft going beyond a certain point inside Russian borders will be forced to land or shot down. If the CIA and the National Security Agency wanted Larry McDonald dead, thereby assuring an international incident, isolating the pilots from instructions or warnings would be essential. The way to accomplish this is either to tamper with radio transmissions or the pilots’ minds – or both.

Chun Byung In, the pilot in command of 007, held the rank of colonel in the South Korean Air Force. He was considered reliable enough to have flown the Korean president to the U.S. in 1982 and fly overseas routes linking Southeast Asia to the Middle East, Paris to Los Angeles, and New York to Seoul. The co-pilot on 007 was Lieutenant Colonel Sohn Dong Hui.

According to news reports, Chun boasted to close friends that he was carrying out special tasks for American intelligence, and he even showed them some of the plane’s spying equipment or surveying Soviet military installations. Spying was sometimes the covert mission of regularly-scheduled commercial flights that began in New York City and ended in Seoul.

After the 007 disaster, it was reported that Koreans often flew over Soviet airspace to reduce fuel expenses. But spy cameras with the ability to photograph Soviet military bases are a more plausible reason for Korean jets losing their way so often.

Reports indicate that Korean Air Lines concluded a secret agreement with the CIA in the early 1970s to carry out intelligence surveys of Soviet territory. These reports further suggest that when Flight 007 was shot down, the U.S. intelligence mission utilized a reconnaissance satellite programmed to pass overhead at the same time. This allowed the U.S. to record electronic traffic denoting the whereabouts of Soviet air-defense systems as they were activated to meet a presumed threat.

After triggering the radar warning of a threat to the USSR, the pilot of a U.S. RC-135 reconnaissance plane used maneuvers typical of American spy planes to frustrate Soviet air defenses. Eventually, he dove below the radar cover off the Kamchatka Peninsula to distract air-defense crews and allow Flight 007 to enter Soviet airspace undetected.

Meanwhile, attempting to dodge Soviet fighter planes 226 miles inside the USSR, pilot Chun requested permission to elevate to 35,000 feet. Moments later, he shouted, “Rapid … a rapid decompression.” Flight 007 was hit by a missile.

Chun’s last words –”one-zero, one-zero-delta”– left everyone confused, as did the plane’s final radio transmissions. Neither Matsumi Suzuki, head of Japan’s Sound Research Institute, nor the Japanese broadcast network NHK could explain what “delta” meant. Was that Chun’s “Rosebud”?

Exactly who was Larry McDonald, the strange and complex individual who wore so many robes? At first he was a doctor specializing in urology who prescribed the discredited drug laetrile to cancer patients. He was also a man who concealed the ownership of 200 guns. In 1974, he was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives, later chairman of both the tax-free Western Goals Foundation and the John Birch Society.

The best way to describe most people is to understand who their heroes are. McDonald reportedly kept two photographs on the walls of his Congressional office that give some clues to his mental state.

One picture was of Senator Joseph McCarthy.

The other was of Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet.

Senator McCarthy began his Senate career after World War II with financial assistance from two known Nazi sympathizers in Wisconsin – Frank Seusenbrenner and Walter Harnischfeger. Fred J. Cook’s The Nightmare Decade details the pro-Nazi backers of McCarthy and how the senator knew of their “passionate ultra-rightism and admiration for Hitler.”

Harnischfeger’s nephew, in fact, often displayed an autographed copy of Hitler’s Mein Kampf. He also flaunted a watch-chain swastika.

In December 1946, 43 of Hitler’s top military officers received death sentences or long prison terms at the Dachau Trials for the bloody massacre of American soldiers at Malmedy, France. One of McCarthy’s primary objectives as he entered the Senate was to facilitate their release. By 1949, thanks to Congressional hearings, he directed another maneuvering. McCarthy’s efforts paid off. The 43 Nazis were freed.

When McCarthy conducted his House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) hearings in 1953 and accumulated data on law-abiding citizens for future fascist purposes, most of his information came from combined United States intelligence and Nazi war criminals. He also drew upon the extensive files of a spy network known as ODDESSA, an association of former SS officers formed between 1943 and 1945, when it became obvious the Third Reich could not win the war against the Soviet Union.

After McCarthy died in 1957, it is reasonable to assume that Larry McDonaid – by way of Louise Rees – took over the massive computerized files that now contain millions of names worldwide.

Louise Rees, the wife of John Rees, an editor at McDonald’s Western Goals Foundation, worked for McCarthy and Roy M. Cohn, counsel for the senator’s 1953 Permanent Investigations Subcommittee of the Government Operations Committee. Western Goals lists Roy M. Cohn, now a New York lawyer, on its advisory board. And when McDonald went to Washington as a representative from Georgia in 1974, Louise Rees was his paid staff aide.

There is no beginning or end to the Larry McDonald tragedy. His right-wing fanaticism drew him to the crueler side of blackmailers, burglars, assassins, terrorists, wiretappers, and people dedicated to waging a future war with the Soviet Union.

And there he was, last August 31 and September 1, apparently sitting all alone on Flight 007. If that was by Soviet design, then all in his entourage were communists who knew in advance.


George P. Shultz, counsel and Cabinet member for two Republican presidents, dies at 100

On Sunday, Oct. 12, 1986, President Ronald Reagan and Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev had reached a climactic moment in their summit at Reykjavik, Iceland. Gorbachev proposed sweeping reductions in nuclear weapons if Reagan would constrain his missile defense plan, but Reagan balked.

During a break in the meeting, Secretary of State George P. Shultz hastily crafted new language to keep alive some hope for agreement.

When talks resumed, Reagan took everything further than arms control had ever gone before. He proposed to Gorbachev to eliminate “all explosive nuclear devices,” including “bombs, battlefield systems, cruise missiles, submarine weapons, intermediate-range systems, and so on.”

“We could say that, list all those weapons,” replied Gorbachev.

“Then let’s do it,” said Mr. Shultz, giving birth to one of the most audacious attempts of the Cold War to eliminate nuclear weapons from the face of the earth. The deal unraveled by nightfall but helped pave the way in the years that followed to wholesale reductions in nuclear weapons at the end of the Cold War.

Mr. Shultz, one of only two people to hold four Cabinet positions in the U.S. government and as secretary of state was an essential participant in Reagan’s negotiations with the Soviet Union, died Feb. 6 at his home in Stanford, Calif. He was 100. The Hoover Institution at Stanford University, where Mr. Shultz was the Thomas W. and Susan B. Ford Distinguished Fellow, confirmed the death but did not provide details.

Mr. Shultz was a policy maven, conservative but curious, patient and determined. He ranged widely over domestic and foreign affairs. “He was a doer, and not a talker,” former secretary of state James A. Baker III said Sunday. “He was plodding and calm, thoughtful and rational. He was not at all flamboyant.”

Mr. Shultz served as director of the Office of Management and Budget, labor secretary, treasury secretary and secretary of state. Only Elliot Richardson had held more Cabinet posts. Mr. Shultz taught at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, the University of Chicago and Stanford, where at his death he was emeritus professor at the Graduate School of Business. He also was president of Bechtel, the multinational construction and engineering firm, for eight years.

When selected to replace retired Gen. Alexander M. Haig Jr. as Reagan’s secretary of state in 1982, Mr. Shultz saw that relations between the United States and the Soviet Union had sunk into deep cold after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and a Soviet-backed crackdown in Poland. Reagan promised in his 1980 campaign for president to confront the Soviet Union more directly, and in his first two years had embarked on a more aggressive posture, including a military buildup. “Relations between the two superpowers were not simply bad they were virtually nonexistent,” Mr. Shultz recalled in his memoirs.

Over the next year or so, Mr. Reagan called the Soviet Union an “evil empire” and launched the Strategic Defense Initiative, a research effort to build a shield against ballistic missiles carrying nuclear weapons.

The United States, countering the Soviets, deployed ground-launched cruise missiles and Pershing II intermediate-range missiles in Europe. Antinuclear protests flooded the streets an ABC television film about nuclear holocaust, “The Day After” (1983), got huge ratings. The Soviets shot down a civilian passenger airliner, Korean Air Lines Flight 007. A NATO nuclear command post exercise, Able Archer, may have been misinterpreted by the Soviets as a prelude to an attack.

Mr. Shultz brooded over the worsening situation and what to do about it. When he met the president for an informal dinner at the White House, talkative and relaxed, Reagan told Shultz of his abhorrence of mutually assured destruction, the cocked-pistols approach that defined the superpower nuclear standoff. This insight into Reagan’s thinking helped guide Mr. Shultz toward change, which was also aided by the ascension of Gorbachev as the Soviet leader in March 1985.

Hard-liners in the U.S. government continued to cast a critical eye on Moscow, but Mr. Shultz saw Gorbachev as someone, as British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher had said, whom “we can do business with.” Shultz had to constantly do battle with others in the administration. “No one in the arms control community shared Reagan’s view” about eliminating nuclear weapons, Mr. Shultz later recalled. He told aides, “This is his instinct and his belief. The president has noticed that no one pays any attention to him.”

Mr. Shultz’s efforts to change course brought him into conflict with CIA Director William Casey and Defense Secretary Caspar W. Weinberger, among others. “The hardliners were always attacking both of us,” recalled Baker, who described Mr. Shultz as a mentor. “He had my back, and I had his.”

Mr. Shultz’s efforts on the Soviet Union were aided by first lady Nancy Reagan, who also urged her husband to make what became known as “the turn” in policy toward Moscow. Mr. Shultz encouraged Reagan’s more hopeful side. Reagan often expressed a desire that he could make progress if he could only face Soviet leaders in person.


Shots in the Dark

On September 1, 1983, Korean Air Lines flight 007 trespassed into Soviet airspace and was blasted out of the sky. Two hundred and sixty-nine people died. On September 2, the western press, reflecting international outrage, condemned the Soviets as murderers and barbarians. The Toronto press was no exception.

In the weeks following the incident, cold war rhetoric dominated the headlines, news columns and editorials of the three Toronto dailies. The coverage was generally biased and emotional. It also served as a blatant example of how the press has effectively worsened an already dangerous chill in east-west relations. The coverage of the KAL incident helped launch an anti-Soviet hysteria that has not been around since the 1950s.

For four weeks running, The Toronto Star,The Globe and Mail, and the Toronto Sun ran a plethora of stories about the tragedy. Unfortunately, the majority of the accounts, particularly in the first week of coverage, fell victim to what is known in journalistic circles as the “U.S. propaganda machine.” The biggest news of the day was the White House reaction. The speeches, proposals and statements by President Ronald Reagan and Secretary of State George Schultz dominated the front pages and generally made up the bulk of the coverage. There were stories datelined Moscow, Japan, Seoul, the United Nations and the Pentagon, but all came from American wire services.

There was also an abundance of “stories” from unnamed U.S. intelligence sources and Washington officials. Except for a few articles from foreign correspondents, analysis pieces, and some reports of the Canadian reaction, the coverage during the first days after the incident had an overwhelming American slant. Granted, the press had a major obstacle to contend with: initially the Soviets were not talking, or were at best evading and stonewalling. Yet by relying mainly on American sources for information, the Toronto press parroted Washington’s version before all the facts were in.

Joe Hall, foreign editor at the Star, is aware the coverage was one-sided. “I know the U.S. public relations machine very well. They are masters at exploiting the media.” Although he doesn’t believe the Star was manipulated by Washington, he argues that the U.S. version was all the paper had to go on. “The press was hungry for any detail. I don’t think there was any manipulation by the American government, but without a doubt, they took full advantage of the situation.”

Gwen Smith, foreign editor at the Globe, echoes Hall’s view. “We don’t want to be a Pentagon news service, but so much of the reporting depends on what you get. What are you supposed to do?”

Not only did the three papers rely too heavily on information from Washington, all three went out of their way to emphasize the American perspective. Some stories were more obviously biased and emotional than others. One that appeared on the front page of the Star on September 2 reported that Reagan was cutting his vacation short in order to discuss what sanctions the United States could take against the Soviet Union for its “horrifying act of violence.” There was no attribution for the quote “horrifying act of violence.”

The reader could not tell if the words were those of Reagan or the Star. In either case, the point was clearly made. Another story in the same edition, headlined “Americans condemn barbarism,” called the incident a “murderous act.” Again, there was no attribution. During the first week of coverage, the Toronto press extensively used as the basis for news stories comments from those who would unquestionably back the American version. An article in the September 3 edition of the Globe said, “Most major western governments said bluntly they had no doubt the Soviets were guilty of what West German government spokesman Juergen Sudhoff called an ‘inconceivable act of unsurpassed brutality.’ ” A story on September 5 said, “When the Soviets shot down a South Korean airliner with 269 people on board last week, the Soviet government brought home more than ever to Westerners its insensitive, barbaric nature, a U.S. Air Force official says.” Other sources included U.S. intelligence officials, military personnel, members of the rightwing John Birch Society, the Moral Majority, and the Conservative Caucus.

The use of headlines, pictures, and the general layout of the papers further accentuated the already biased news coverage. Typical front page headlines read: SOVIET SAVAGERY SOVIET ACT “TERRORIST” SOVIET STORY “FICTION” MURDER IN THE SKY SOVIETS LIARS AND TERRORISTS. U.S. PRESIDENT CHARGES SOVIET SPYING CHARGE CALLED BRAZEN COVER.UP. The latest development in Washington was prominently displayed, while stories that questioned the Washington version were displayed lower on the page, with smaller headlines, or were buried inside the paper.

The Americans insisted that the KAL pilot was probably unaware that the plane was off course and that there was no evidence to indicate that the Soviets gave any warning before they fired. Jeane Kirkpatrick, the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, said on September 6 that the radio transmission tapes between pilots and ground control proved that no warning was given. Hence the White House assumed the incident was a cold-blooded attack by the Soviets upon an innocent commercial airliner. The press patterned its stories on that assumption.

Then came the contradictions. The White House released a “revised” interpretation of the radio tapes on September 11. The new transcripts indicated that warning shots were fired by the Soviets six minutes before the attack.

Not only that, reports had come out on September 7 stating that Korean Air Lines had, in the past, used its airliners for spying. After a series of overflight incidents and warnings, KAL pilots had been given strict orders to stay away from Soviet terrority. Aviation experts doubted the 007 pilot and copilot didn’t know they were more than 1,000 kilometres off course. Other reports revealed that KAL had a reputation for trying to save money by making short-cut flights across Soviet territory. White House spokesman Larry Speakes admitted that an American RC-I35 reconnaissance plane was in the area hours before the KAL plane was shot down. He said the spy plane might have been confused with the KAL 747 by Soviet radar operators because the two planes were similar in appearance. The Soviets justified the attack by saying they thought the KAL flight was on a spy mission.

On October 7, U.S. intelligence experts admitted that the Soviets could not have known the KAL plane was a commercial airliner because the Soviet jet was behind and below the airliner when it fired, not parallel as was originally believed. They also concluded that Soviets assumed they were tracking the RC-I35 spy plane. At last, Washington was admitting there was another side to the story. So, finally, was the press.

During the height of the emotionally charged aftermath, all three Toronto dailies had run numerous pictures of Koreans burning Soviet flags, carrying placards denouncing the Soviets as barbaric murderers and liars, and storming the Soviet embassy. A large portion of the coverge consisted of the Korean reaction, which was, understandably, grief-stricken and hostile. Yet in the words of Robert Hackett, a media critic for the Edmonton Working Committee and professor of political science at the University of Alberta, “The focus on the victims suited the West’s ideological purposes. Every fresh report of pathetic wreckage or mutilated bodies washed ashore in Japan reminded us of the atrocity of the passengers’ deaths.”

While there is no question that 269 people died a cruel and senseless death, the fact remains that the press was initially all too willing to jump the gun and report on inflamed speculation instead of intensely probing the situation. The three Toronto editors responsible for the KAL newspaper coverage agree that it was, to a certain degree, biased.

Bob Burt of the Sun says, “Politically we are pro-Reagan on most things. Our philosophical and political bias comes from the right. In this instance, we thought Reagan had seen the light, We were remiss about not getting more background information. We should have had more stories about the Soviet side, but I don’t ever want to see this paper becoming apologists for the Soviet Union,”

Joe Hall at the Star says it was “clear as daylight” to him that there were some slipups, but he asserts, “We are a newspaper coming out with five to six editions a day. It’s easy for someone to piece through and analyze and balance the situation later, but at the time we had to deal with the information we were getting.”

Conceding that some of the news stories were “slightly biased,” Gwen Smith at the Globe says, “Copy editors and reporters are humans, and the initial reaction was a human one,”

In the weeks following the incident, the outrage subsided as new evider.1ce was uncovered, and the coverage became more balanced, The Star had the most stories !openly contradicting the Washington view, raising doubts about the events, and questioning Reagan’s political motives, Among them were analysis pieces, wire stories and stringers’ copy, including “Special to the Star” features. The headlines now read: SUSPICIONS MOUNTS-WAS KOREAN JET SPYING? AIRLINER UNRECOGNIZABLE. EXPERTS SAY WHY? THERE ARE MORE QUESTIONS THAN ANSWERS IN THE RIDDLE OER JET’S FINAL FLIGHT.

The Globe followed suit with head. lines stating SOVIETS DIDN’T KNOW JET WAS 747. U.S. EXPERTS SAYS AIRLINE PASSANGERS REGULARLY PUT AT RISK DEFENCE EDITOR SAYS.. On September 30, the Globe also published a full-page chart outlining how the story had changed during the four weeks of coverage. More important, the chart raised vital questions about the entire incident,

The Toronto Sun however, had virtually no stories that countered its initial view, while there was a genuine, if belated, attempt by two of the three dailies to present alternative view points, the body of the coverage remained focussed on the Americanized version. According to the University of Alberta’s Hackett, this was because “one factor making an event newsworthy is its consonance with preexisting expectations. The KAL flight 007 fitted spectacularly well the media’s stereotype of the U.S.S.R. as a brutal, totalitarian threat to world peace.”

For example, an editorial in the Globe said: “It may be too soon to expect answers to all the questions raised by the shooting down of an off-course South Korean passenger jet in Soviet airspace last Thursday. But it is not too soon to recognize the cold-blooded Russian decision to open fire on a defenseless passenger aircraft as another chapter in the long and dismal record of heavy handed Soviet inhumanity

As long as Russia behaves as brutally as it did toward the strayed KAL aircraft it can expect to have its aims and methods viewed by the rest of the world with deep and justified mistrust.”

It reads like a typical editorial published during the KAL flight 007 coverage. But it wasn’t. The editorial appeared in the Globe in April, 1978, after a KAL passenger plane trespassed into Soviet airspace near the Murmansk military zone, was fired upon, and forced to land on a frozen lake. Two people died, not 269, yet the response was the same.

Hackett believes the press covered the 󈨗 KAL story from three opposing political perspectives. One was the “evil empire” theme: “The destruction of KAL was a terrorist act to sacrifice the lives of innocent human beings, which exemplifies the U.S.S.R,’s willingness to use every available means to assert its power, spread its influence., export its despotism, subjugate people, and threaten the world.”

Another was the “Soviet justification” theme: “KAL was on a spy mission for the U.S. to justify an American hard line in arms talks, so the Soviet termination of the flight was a legitimate act of national self-defence.”

Last was the “reasoned response” theme: “Without seeking to excuse the Soviet action, its intention was to reduce the hysteria and self-righteousness of the west’s reaction.”

The Ryerson Review of journalism analyzed the Toronto papers” coverage from September 1 to October 1, and found the Star had 31 stories fitting the “

vil empire” theme, 9 fitting the “Soviet justification” theme, and 25 fitting the “reasoned response.” The Globe had 30 stories in the first category, 19 in the second, and 21 in the third. The Sun‘s breakdown was 18-4-3. Hackett says the dominance of the “evil empire” theme in the coverage of the KAL incident had helped “unleash cold war hysteria, poisoning North America’s political climate at all levels.” The Star‘s Joe Hall agrees. “Unfortunately, we lost that conflict because a lot of people who were beginning to view the Soviet Union in a better light reverted to a cold war mentality.”

Even though new evidence surfaced to discredit the “evil empire” theme, many members of the public still cling to their first response to the incident. This deeply troubles media critic Barrie Zwicker. As a writer, editor, and dis. armament activist, Zwicker has much to say about the way the press handles the cold war. “First impressions are tremendously important. It takes a long time to overcome them. If we keep in mind that most people get their information from the media, you see the damage is done when a story is played wrong from the start. It is a cliche, but there is a lot of truth to it: the refinements never have the same impact as the first story.”

The impact of the KAL tragedy, combined with the nuclear arms race, increasing international tensions, and the press’ willingness to accept the line of the “authorities” without question, has created a dangerous synergy in which the world’s future is now standing on a very shaky foundation. Gary Lautens, executive managing editor of the Star during the KAL coverage, says the cold war and the nuclear arms race are the “number one moral issues of the day.” Of the press’ response to the KAL tragedy, he says, “I don’t think people in Russia have a bloodthirsty attitude. By reacting this way it seems we are programming ourselves to some cataclysmic end. No doubt tensions are high and to start inflaming them is creating an emotional atmosphere we could do without.”

The press, Lautens says, has to be “very wise and patient. We have to criticize both sides. The Russians are not murderers, and the Americans aren’t angels. We have to be reasonable and understanding, and not pop off without any information.” His views on cold war tensions were summed up in an interview in Sources. “There’s no way that I as a journalist, as a human being, as a father, and as a husband can stand back and be passive andjust record this insanity. I’ve got to try to stop this insanity. And I do it the best way I can. I try to do it with facts, but there’s a gut passion and feeling about it, that this is madness and somebody’s got to stand up and say stop.”

To avoid a recurrence of the questionable journalistic practices so obvious after the KAL incident, Barrie Zwicker thinks the press must adopt some new values. “One is we need to adopt a global perspective. Journalism practised within the blinders of the state is tunnel vision journalism, written from the point of view of ‘our side.’ We also need to be aware of serving the leadership or status quo, under the guise of telling the truth. To unduly report only the statements of leaders is not telling the truth. Skepticism is a basic requirement of a journalist. And I think we need to adopt a more historical sensibility. We have to extend our perspective back in time.”

The impact of the KAL incident upon both east and west has been devastating. But it may have taught the members of the media an invaluable lesson. As long as skepticism, criticism and evaluation remain sacred journalistic tools, we can go along way toward making the press part of the solution rather than part of the problem.

Press failed to ask questions: Zwicker

As a democratic/socialist, calling himself a “western dissident,” media critic Barrie Zwicker, editor of Sources and former editor of Content magazine, strongly criticized the way the Toronto press covered the KAL tragedy. The following are excerpts from a recent interview with the Ryerson Review of Journalism.

REVIEW: You recently said in Now magazine that the Toronto coverage of the KAL incident was a “megaphone for Washington.” How so?

ZWICKER To far too great an extent, the members of the press are carriers of the line of the authorities. They failed to ask questions at anywhere near the rate they should have. And they are still failing to ask questions. Even the media themselves said there are so many unanswered questions, where are the answers? Why don’t we still know? What I see is the media doing nothing but providing the standard statements from the top, even when these statements are ludicrous. We just get the standard, stale perspective, the administration’s perspective, constantly in what are called the news columns, and it is really getting boring.

REVIEW: A number of stories did question the Washington version. Why do you think the coverage remained biased, even as the story changed?

ZWICKER: We all impose form on content. Once the media get the notion of how the story is, they get locked into it to a certain degree. They have a vested interest in it, and perceive a certain shape to it. Early on they perceived this story as the brutal Russians shooting down innocent people, after that everything would be played accordingly. The first story is the one the media go with. They don’t ask enough questions. The media should suspend judgment far more often than they do. They rush into a story and impose a shape to it, and after that it’s almost impossible to get them to adjust that shape. For that matter, it’s too late for the public anyway.

REVIEW: Do you not agree that there were some very good pieces in the Star and Globe that did raise some important questions about the incident?

ZWICKER: Obviously there are what I call interstices in the coverage. These consist of opinion columns, news features, and letters to the editor. There are what I call fugitive paragraphs in a story where once in a while you’ll see something that contains a serious question that you would otherwise see very seldom in the media. Or you might get a specific news story that is just a little off the wall by comparison to the standard, repetitious line.

REVIEW: You said that the KAL incident is a good example of cold war journalism. Why?

ZWICKER: The western media are so terribly one-sided and hypocritical insofar as the cold war is concerned. Wrongdoing on our side is downplayed,

while stories of Afghanistan and 9 Poland are big news. It’s not just the g KAL thing, it’s a whole series of things.

There is a massive distortion, so massive that most people in the media don’t E know they’re a part of it, or perpetuating it.


George Schultz on Korean Air Lines Flight 007 - HISTORY

WHO KILLED CONGRESSMAN LARRY McDONALD?

Plenty of people wanted to blow this right-wing fanatic out of the sky. . . but RONALD REAGAN may be holding the smoking gun.

by Mae Brussell

(from Hustler magazine, February 1984)

I n the aftermath of the Korean Air Lines disaster that shocked the world last September 1, the editors of the Los Angeles Herald-Examiner dealt with a series of nagging questions and their answers. Prominent among them was the following:
QUESTION: "Is there any reason to believe that an admittedly ultraright U.S. congressman traveling 007, Rep. Lawrence McDonald of Georgia, may have been deliberately assassinated aboard the flight?"
ANSWER: "While the [U.S.] government has made no such charge, McDonald's widow claims that her husband, the national chairman of the John Birch Society, was 'murdered.' She holds that it was no accident that 'the leading anti-Communist in the American government' had been on a plane that was 'forced into Soviet territory' and shot down."
Another question that begs to be addressed is: Why would the Soviet Union wish to make a martyr of Larry McDonald? If the Russians are the experts at terrorism that they're supposed to be, it would seem obvious that they could find an easier way to get rid of the congressman than chasing his airplane over Soviet territory for 2 1/2 hours. They could have easily blown him away anywhere in the world.
Furthermore, it is hard to believe that KAL Flight 007 was forced into Soviet airspace, as if a giant mechanism had sucked McDonald toward his mortal enemy. During those strange 2 1/2 hours that 007 ventured as far as 226 miles inside Soviet airspace, the Russians were testing new kinds of missiles directly below. They didn't need any more problems.
And I doubt that McDonald, as fanatic as he was, deserves the label of "leading anti-Communist in the American government." He would have pretty stiff competition from such individuals as A.G. "Fritz" Kraemer, Sven Kraemer, John Lenczowski, Paula Dobriansky, William Clark, Jeanne Kirkpatrick, William Casey, Henry Kissinger, Dr. Ernest Lefevre, William F. Buckley, James Buckley, Richard Pipes, General Daniel O. Graham and a cast of thousands.
One article that appeared immediately after the shooting down of 007 accused Secretary of the Navy John Lehman of being "one particular culprit in the deaths of 269 over Sakhalin Island." The Lehman design, titled "Horizontal Escalation" in defense circles, outlines a series of provocations against the USSR. Lehman is quoted as saying, "He who gets the signal to fire first in the North Pacific will enjoy a tremendous tactical advantage. This region . . . is most probably where we shall witness confrontation with the Soviet Union."
Thus, while Europe and the U.S. divert the public with NATO missile discussions, plans are being formulated for a first strike in the Pacific. South Korea, Japan and the U.S. are working on these plans together. Sending spy planes over the Soviet Union serves the purpose of provocation.
Five days after the 007 incident former CIA spy Ralph McGehee told a college audience that the Korean airliner was indeed on a spy mission. He also believes that the Russians thought 007 was an RC-135 intelligence plane.
It was Senator Jesse Helms (R-North Carolina) – another archconservative ideologue who is anti-union, antigovernment, anti-Communist and an opponent of an international treaty on genocide – who arranged the invitation for McDonald to attend the celebration that would commemorate the 30th anniversary of the official U.S. entry into the Korean War.
Instead of traveling together, however, Helms and McDonald arrived in Anchorage, Alaska – the first stop of the journey to South Korea – on separate planes. The fact that McDonald was the only person in the 36-member American delegation to fly alone seems strange. After refueling, the Boeing 747 carrying Helms arrived at its destination safely. But McDonald – and his fellow passengers on Flight 007 – were not so fortunate.
As depicted in the books by Ian Fleming, 007 was James Bond's "license to kill." In this case who gave the license to kill? Was it the CIA and its Korean counterpart, the KCIA? They were formed at approximately the same time and work together closely.
The fact that McDonald flew on a different plane than Helms brings up several more unanswered questions. Who was sitting next to McDonald? Korean Air Lines must have a boarding pass for that person. If nobody used the seat and if McDonald was accompanied by others in the American delegation, why didn't one of them occupy the seat?
Where were the staff or advisory members of McDonald's Western Goals Foundation, a data bank in Alexandria, Virginia, that serves as a national right-wing clearinghouse for negative information about leftists and radical groups and individuals? Why was McDonald left to die literally alone?
Who really gained by Flight 007's violation of Soviet territory? Not the Russians. They were preparing for the following week's meeting in Madrid, Spain, between U.S. Secretary of State George Schultz and Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko, as well as the resumption of arms-reduction talks and the annual United Nations meeting. An incident of any kind would – and did – set world opinion against them at a critical time.
On the other hand, the U.S. government benefited first by gathering valuable military information about Soviet radar and defensive capabilities during the hours that preceded the crash. Later benefits the State Department and the Pentagon simultaneously maneuvered included favorable MX-missile and binary-nerve-gas votes from a knee-jerk Congress.
Clearly, Larry McDonald did not die at the hands of Soviet planners. The most important explanation for his tragic demise has to do with recent revelations about his clandestine activities. An earlier relationship between McDonald and President Reagan had started to surface before the crash. Their government espionage, concealed behind a cloak of righteous Americanism at any price, was about to be exposed.
The media, along with many other institutions and individuals, had purposely withheld the darker side of Reagan's years as California governor from the 1980 Presidential campaign. Now the dirty laundry of the past was starting to leak out.
Key backers, financiers and appointees of Ronald Reagan have always been involved in political spying – and worse. California was ripe with intrigue. Nixon and Reagan were from California. And California is where the bubble burst.
The trail leading to the connection between Reagan and McDonald is long and winding. But the facts prove collusion between informers hired by Reagan when he was governor and the activities of McDonald's Western Goals Foundation. The method – and even the people involved – were the same in both cases.
The first indication that something was even more rotten than usual in California came on August 15, 1980, when Warren Hinckle – the former editor of Ramparts magazine – noted that the snooping of Jerry Ducote appeared to involve members of Ronald Reagan's gubernatorial staff. (Ducote was a former sheriff's deputy employed by Reagan's backers, who infiltrated suspected subversive groups.)
"What is happening in Santa Clara County today is the germ of the biggest scandal of the next 1 1/2 years," Hinckle said. "People thought that with Watergate it was all over. But this is the next layer of Watergate."
On January 4, 1983, nearly 2 1/2 years after Hinckle's prediction, Detective Jay Paul of the Los Angeles Police Department supplied a weary team of investigators with what was going to be the connection between Larry McDonald and Ronald Reagan. That day marked the end of McDonald's usefulness to the larger network he served. He had become a liability to some very important people.
What brought down a carefully constructed web of deceit were massive numbers of files illegally assembled on law-abiding citizens by the Los Angeles Police Department's Public Disorder Intelligence Division (PDID). These files were ordered destroyed in 1975, but it was later discovered that LAPD officers kept the data-bank information.
Enraged by this disobedience, the Los Angeles Police Commission officially requested the files. But by then, Lieutenant Thomas Scheidecker had stolen at least 10,000 pages of documents. And PDID Detective Jay Paul had moved a huge batch of files into the garage of his Long Beach, California, home, where his wife – attorney Ann Love – was being paid $30,000 a year to feed a sophisticated, $100,000 computer this information that had been ordered destroyed.
The information eventually wound up in the computer of the Western Goals Foundation. And lo and behold, the man who paid Ann Love was Representative Larry McDonald, head of Western Goals.
Also caught up in the web was John Rees, editor of the Western Goals Foundation and a longtime associate of Jerry Ducote through their common bosses and similar methods of accumulating data. Both acted as agents provocateurs.
"An agent provocateur is a police agent who is introduced into any political organization with instructions to foment discontent . . . or to take a case in order to give his employers the right to act against the organization in question," according to Victor Kaledin, a colonel in the Imperial Russian Military Intelligence.
Ducote was employed in such activities by Ronald Reagan's backers and by the John Birch Society. Rees worked with the Birch Society and virtually every other right-wing group, feeding them information they could use to harass and embarrass those who opposed their point of view.
Reagan's man (Ducote) and Larry McDonald's crony (John Rees) worked together at the San Francisco-based Western Research, also known as Research West. Ducote secluded himself behind unmarked doors, running a blacklisting service for industry. The results of his spying were added to a repository of information used by Governor Reagan to screen out potential state employees with leftist political tendencies that were contrary to his own beliefs.
At the same time, photographs of rallies and demonstrations – along with copies of underground newspapers – were being supplied to Western Research by agents of the Los Angeles Police Department. In turn, Western Research sold background information about employees, advising corporations about possible risks.
Research West, as it was later called, maintained close ties with law-enforcement agencies and private data banks, using its spies to supply information to utility companies anxious to identify anti-nuclear activists. Clearly, blacklisting hadn't ended with the death of Senator Joseph McCarthy years before. The witch hunt never ceased.
Last January in Los Angeles the American Civil Liberties Union filed a lawsuit on behalf of 131 law-abiding groups and individuals who were illegally spied upon. Among the defendants in this case are 54 police officers who are members of the LAPD's Public Disorder Intelligence Division.
The law firm representing these defendants – its highly sensitive files were being funneled to Representative Larry McDonald's Western Goals Foundation – is Gibson, Dunn and Crutcher. Curiously enough, Attorney General William French Smith was a partner in that firm. And none other than President Ronald Reagan is a client of Gibson, Dunn and Crutcher for all personal matters.
In any event, time was running out on Larry McDonald's many years of stealing, bugging and compiling. He was about to be subpoenaed by a Los Angeles County grand jury. His testimony, particularly the portions telling of how his Long Beach computer was being fed with illegal police intelligence files, could embarrass and even damage a great number of powerful people.

* * *

Several weeks following the destruction of Flight 007, Soviet President Yuri Andropov blamed the United States for what he called a "sophisticated provocation, masterminded by U.S. special services, an example of extreme adventurism in politics."
How could the United States have written such a script? Larry McDonald was going to necessarily embarrass President Reagan if too many of the documents from California were exposed. They shared common spies and common enemies. So let's assume that the CIA, FBI and all federal agencies that worked with McDonald – particularly the Pentagon – wanted him silenced immediately. At the same time, because McDonald was so violently anti-Communist, why not make the Soviets responsible for his murder? A New Right martyr could be created for the fight against communism. Remember the Pueblo?
The scenario might have continued in the following way:

* There would be a celebration in South Korea early in September. McDonald had strong ties to Korean-born Reverend Sun Myung Moon, leader of the Unification Church (the Moonies), and the South Korean military. Get McDonald to attend that celebration in South Korea.

(Dorothy Hunt, CIA officer and wife of Watergate defendant E. Howard Hunt, was blown up in a commercial airliner over Chicago, and nobody seemed to care. Undoubtedly, her murder scared into silence primary witnesses who could have embarrassed President Nixon at the time he was paying off these witnesses to "plead guilty" before sinking his Presidency. Incidentally, the espionage activities of both E. Howard Hunt and Congressman McDonald somehow become entangled with the Los Angeles Police Department. See "The Facts Behind a Sinister Connection," on page 43.)

* We send spy planes over the USSR continuously. The Soviet Union does not appreciate such flights violating their territory. By putting McDonald on a commercial airliner and timing its incursion inside Soviet airspace with spy-plane operations happening at the same time, an attack by Soviet missiles would be assured.

One of the many mysteries of Flight 007 is the total lack of conversation between its pilots and U.S., Korean and Japanese listening posts. This is known as maintaining radio silence.
Furthermore, 007 left Kennedy Airport in New York with both a defective radio and a defective navigational system. When the pilot who flew the first segment debarked in Anchorage, he assumed the plane's malfunctioning parts would be repaired. But this didn't happen.
It is common knowledge to all pilots flying over Soviet territory that aircraft going beyond a certain point inside Russian borders will be forced to land or be shot down. If the CIA and the National Security Agency wanted Larry McDonald dead, thereby assuring an international incident, isolating the pilots from instructions or warnings would be essential. The way to accomplish this is either to tamper with radio transmissions or the pilots' minds – or both.
The pilot in command of 007, Chun Byung In, held the rank of colonel in the South Korean Air Force. He was considered reliable enough to have flown the Korean president to the U.S. in 1982 and to fly overseas routes linking Southeast Asia and the Middle East, Paris and Los Angeles, and New York and Seoul. Co-pilot for 007 was Lieutenant Colonel Sohn Dong Hui.
According to news reports, Chun boasted to close friends that he was carrying out special tasks of American intelligence, and he even showed them some of the plane's spy equipment used for surveying Soviet military installations. Such spying was sometimes part of regularly scheduled commercial flights that began in New York City and ended in Seoul.
After the 007 disaster there were explanations that Koreans flew over Soviet airspace to reduce fuel expenses. But spy cameras with the ability to photograph Soviet military bases are a more plausible reason for Korean jets losing their way so often.
Reports indicate that Korean Air Lines concluded a secret agreement with the CIA in the early 1970s to carry out intelligence surveys of Soviet territory. These reports further indicate that when Flight 007 was shot down, the U.S. intelligence mission utilized a reconnaissance satellite that was programmed to pass overhead at the same time. This allowed the U.S. to record electronic traffic denoting the whereabouts of Soviet air-defense systems as they were activated to meet a presumed threat.
After triggering off the radar warning of a threat to the USSR, the pilot of a U.S. RC-135 reconnaissance plane used maneuvers and tricks typical of American spy planes as he attempted to frustrate Soviet air defenses. Eventually, he dove below the radar cover off the Kamchatka Peninsula to distract air-defense crews and allow Flight 007 to enter Soviet airspace undetected.
Meanwhile, attempting to dodge Soviet fighter planes 226 miles inside the USSR, pilot Chun requested permission to elevate to 35,000 feet. Moments later he shouted, "Rapid . . .a rapid decompression" as 007 was hit by a missile.
Chun's last words –"one-zero, one-zero-delta"– left everybody confused, as did the plane's final radio transmissions. Neither Matsumi Suzuki, head of Japan's Sound Research Institute, nor the Japanese broadcast network NHK could explain what delta meant. Was that Chun's "Rosebud"?
The first reports following the tragedy, noting the apparent loss of contact with 007's pilots, suggested that the plane had been hijacked. A second report said that the two pilots and the navigator may have been asleep – a dubious theory considering the crew's unblemished record of professionalism.
A more likely possibility is that the crew had been the victim of hypnosis and mind control – receiving instructions in advance, before they left Anchorage, that could not be picked up on any messages recorded later.
If this seems farfetched, consider the experience of Candy Jones – a famous model and radio personality – who described in her biography how the CIA programmed her mind for spying and various activities related to espionage. A single phone call from an unseen person would have been enough to implement previously implanted instructions to kill herself.
These revelations came to light at the height of the Watergate scandal, along with evidence that she had previously done errands for the CIA. Only the intervention of her husband saved Candy Jones from certain death.
The issue of 007's defective navigational system also came under close scrutiny following the disaster. Reports filed with NASA revealed that at least 25 times during the past five years U.S. airline pilots relying on the same navigational equipment used by 007 had strayed off course – once as much as 250 miles. Cited among the causes for such problems were computer malfunctions and human errors.
"It's easy to become complacent [on long flights]," said Pan American World Airways pilot Thomas Foxworth. "It's a human failing. The record is replete with numerous incidents of a guy just falling asleep."
What if the "human failing" cited by Foxworth was actually mind-controlled planning?
Two of the 007 crew might have been asleep – or even dead. But the one who said "delta" was obviously awake until the end. His response to what was going to happen, given his years of experience and expertise, was that of a programmed zombie instructed to fly continuously – disregarding any external sights or sounds on the flight equipment.
As long ago as November 1974 the Subcommittee on Constitutional Rights – headed by then-Senator Sam Ervin of North Carolina – issued a 645-page report titled "Individual Rights and the Federal Role in Behavior Modification," which indicated the advanced state of CIA mind work and testing.
Three years later the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence and the Sub-committee on Health and Scientific Research published a report titled "Project Mkultra: The CIA's Program in Behavior Modification."
The upshot of these reports is that the Pentagon had the capability, if it so desired, to link mind control with satellite defense systems. And a logical use of mind control, of course, would be to program a pilot – perhaps even turning a normal flight into a kamikaze mission.
Dr. Jose Delgado, the father of military-and-defense mind experimentation who worked with the CIA and Navy Intelligence, perfected such procedures as far back as 1971. In one instance he surgically implanted a receiver in the brain of a Spanish fighting bull. Later in a Madrid arena, when a tiny radio-controlled electrode delivered a minute surge of current to the enraged beast's mind, the bull braked to an abrupt halt.
Delgado also pioneered a method of shooting mood drugs into the brain, which could then be calmed by a remote computer that sensed oncoming anxiety, depression or rage and then flashed back inhibitor signals by radio.
"The [programmed] individual may think that the most important fact of reality is his own existence," Delgado wrote. "But that is only his personal point of view, a relative frame of reference which is not shared by the rest of the living world."
The reason for perfecting physical control of the mind was to enable outside forces to determine how to use a person's body by activating his brain and directing it beyond that person's control – in spite of any conscious efforts he might make.
KAL Flight 007 was equipped with the latest pathfinding technology. Three computer-driven inertial-navigational systems, which tell the airplane seven times per second where it is supposed to go, had been installed a year earlier.
Only the following elements could have coordinated the death of Representative Larry McDonald with the Soviet missile response: (1) human factors (2) altered instruments in New York City or Anchorage or (3) mind control over the Korean Air Force pilots.

* * *

Exactly who was Larry McDonald, the strange and complex individual who wore so many robes? At first he was a doctor, specializing in urology, who prescribed the discredited drug laetrile to cancer patients. He was also a man who concealed the ownership of 200 guns. In 1974 he was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives, and he later became chairman of both the tax-free Western Goals Foundation and the John Birch Society.
The Larry McDonald pie (see page 40) is a suggestion of segments in his complicated secret life that reveals his unmistakable links to military and law-enforcement agencies throughout the world.
The best way to describe most people is to understand who their heroes are. McDonald reportedly kept two photographs on the walls of his Congressional office that give some clues to his mental state.
One picture was of Senator Joseph McCarthy.
The other was of Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet.
Senator McCarthy began his Senate career after World War II with financial assistance from two known Nazi sympathizers in Wisconsin – Frank Seusenbrenner and Walter Harnischfeger. Fred J. Cook's book The Nightmare Decade details the pro-Nazi backers of McCarthy and how the senator knew of their "passionate ultra-rightism and admiration for Hitler."
Harnischfeger's nephew, in fact, often displayed an autographed copy of Hitler's Mein Kampf . He also flaunted a watch-chain swastika.
In December 1946, 43 of Hitler's top military officers received death sentences or long prison terms at the Dachau Trials for the bloody massacre of American soldiers at Malmedy, France. One of McCarthy's primary objectives as he entered the Senate was to facilitate their release. By 1949, thanks to Congressional hearings he directed and other maneuvering, McCarthy's efforts paid off. The 43 Nazis were freed.
When McCarthy conducted his House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) hearings in 1953 and began accumulating data banks on law-abiding citizens for future fascist purposes, most of his information came from combined United States intelligence and Nazi war criminals. He also drew upon the extensive files of a spy network known as Odessa, which was formed between 1943 and 1945 when it became obvious the Third Reich could not win the war against the Soviet Union.
After McCarthy died in 1957, it is reasonable to assume that Larry McDonaid – through Louise Bees – took over the massive computerized files that now contain millions of names worldwide.
Louise Rees – the wife of John Rees, editor of McDonald's Western Goals Foundation – worked for McCarthy and Roy M. Cohn, counsel for the senator's 1953 Permanent Investigations Subcommittee of the Government Operations Committee. Western Goals lists Roy M. Cohn, now a New York lawyer, on its advisory board. And when McDonald went to Washington as a representative from Georgia in 1974, Louise Rees became his paid staff aide.
McDonald's admiration for his other major hero, Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet, can be explained in part by the fact that both of their careers benefited from the support of international fascist organizations. And there is evidence that Nazis in Chile had funded McDonald's Congressional campaigns since 1974, at Pinochet's direction – just as Nazis were the source of funds for McCarthy in Wisconsin.
Ironically, the very night that McDonald was killed, his CIA-supported hero – Pinochet – was being taunted by rioters in Chile. The Chilean people also want their nightmare decade to end.
Pinochet is responsible for DINA, Nazi-like death-squad terrorist teams that are part of the Chilean police and are necessary to maintain his repressive regime. Without DINA's methods of fear and torture, the U.S. puppet government in Chile would not last another day.
Pinochet also does nothing to interfere with Colonia Dignidad, a haven for Nazi war criminals located on the border between Argentina and Chile. Colonia Dignidad serves as a torture center where dissenters who oppose Pinochet are mutilated and fed to dogs while still alive. Armed guards discourage snoopers. Amnesty International is currently investigating this deplorable situation.
Larry McDonald's unsavory Chilean connection was further exposed when Robert Byron Watson presented attorneys from the House Select Committee on Assassinations with an alleged affidavit detailing McDonald's dealings with Fuad Habash Ansare in Santiago de Chile. In this alleged affidavit Watson claimed that Fuad Habash is the brother of Arab terrorist leader Dr. George Habash of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine! This is the organization that is said to work with our CIA as it arranges Arab terrorist murders around the globe.

A far more sinister organization, Larry McDonald's Western Goals Foundation, was formed in 1979. Members of its advisory board are listed in brochures and newspaper advertisements. They include the following:
Jean Ashbrook, Mrs. Walter Brennan, Taylor Caldwell, Roy M. Cohn, Congressman Philip M. Crane (R-Illinois), General Raymond Davis, Henry Hazlitt, Dr. Mildred F. Jefferson, Dr. Anthony Kubek, Robert Milliken, Admiral Thomas H. Moorer, E. A. Morris, Vice-Admiral Lloyd M. Mustin, Mrs. John C. Newington, General George S. Patton III, Dr. Hans Sennholz, General John Singlaub, Dan Smoot, Robert Stoddard, Congressman Bob Stump (D-Arizona), Mrs. Helen Marie Taylor, Dr. Edward Teller, General Lewis Walt and Dr. Eugene Wigner.
The executive staff of Western Goals consists of Linda Guell, director John Rees, editor and Julia Ferguson, research associate.
Two members of Western Goals bear special mention. According to Seymour Hersh's recent book The Price of Power in the Nixon White House , Admiral Thomas Moorer masterminded the surreptitious removal of sensitive data from President Nixon's office. Working through Yeoman Charles Radford, Moorer stole papers clearly marked "President's Eyes Only" and had them delivered to the Pentagon.
His reward for stealing these top-secret documents was a promotion to the prestigious Joint Chiefs of Staff. Merry Christmas, Cambodia! Bypassing every member of Congress, Henry Kissinger and Admiral Moorer conducted their own private war against that country – which has not fought the United States at any time – gleefully selecting bombing targets that cost the lives of millions of innocent people.
It later developed that the Los Angeles Police Department files on 2 million Californians were assessed by Moorer's and McDonald's Western Goals computer.
So it comes to pass that the criminal keep track of the innocent. Information about you is probably already filed and computerized in their secret data banks. Would you trust people like this with your good name?
A second Western Goals advisory-board member worth noting is Edward Teller, Hungarian-born father of the hydrogen bomb. The same day that McDonald made the front page of the Washington Post – when Western Goals was ordered to answer the stolen-documents subpoena in Los Angeles – Teller was attending a European seminar on nuclear warfare that was critical to America's future foreign policy.


Three Lessons We Need to Heed from the Soviet Downing of KAL 007

This past Saturday (19 July) Fox News ran the following essay by K.T. McFarland, “White House leadership: Reagan on KAL 007 vs. Obama on MH17.” It begins thus: “There is a saying that great men make history and history makes great men. Ronald Reagan was the living example of this when, on September 1, 1983, the Soviet Union, without warning, shot down a civilian Korean airliner flying from New York to Seoul, killing all 269 men, women and children on board.”

The essay goes on to state that the tragedy “marked a turning point for Reagan. Up until that time he and others had hoped to compromise with the USSR, trusting them to do the right thing for themselves and the world. The incident changed Reagan’s mind. He concluded the Soviet system was corrupt, malignant, and would ultimately fail. He knew that compromise with Soviet leaders wasn’t possible, and that we had to negotiate from a position of strength to have any chance of success.” McFarland adds, “Reagan followed strong words with even stronger actions. He accelerated work on the Star Wars missile defense system. . . . And he understood that the Soviet economy depended on high oil prices, so he set about to bankrupt them. Six years after the Soviets shot down the Korean airliner, their empire collapsed.”

Up until September 1983, Reagan trusted the USSR “to do the right thing.” Is McFarland joking? Her essay attempts to use history for its own polemical purpose. But instead it misuses it, even abuses it. And she again suggests that old right-wing myth that Reagan’s hard-line policies brought about the collapse of the USSR.

All of this is a prelude to her challenge directed at President Obama to act Reaganesque. “Will he seize the moment and reverse course? If so, he will restore defense spending. . . . He will reinstate the defense missile shield for Poland and the Czech Republic. He will rally our European allies to stand up to Putin. . . . Now is the time of Obama’s testing. Will history make him a great man? Will he rise up to be a great man who makes history? Or will he just play out the clock for his last two years in office, hobnobbing with celebrities, playing golf with moguls, and living the good life?”

My reading of the KAL 007 incident, Reagan’s reaction to it, and what the whole affair can teach us today is different than McFarland’s. A few months ago, in “The Folly of War: Europe 1914, Ukraine 2014,” I wrote about how the wrong lessons are often learned from the past. This is even more true when history is picked over (and even falsified) for ideological and polemical purposes.

What strikes me most about the Reagan reaction to KAL 007 is how, in the words of former Secretary of Defense Robert Gates, “the administration’s rhetoric outran the facts that were known to it.” He quotes President Reagan in an Oval Office speech of September 5, 1983 as saying “there is no way a pilot could mistake this for anything other than a civilian airliner,” and Secretary of State George Schultz stating that such mistaken identity was “not remotely possible.” Yet, as Gates indicates, both men knew that the DIA and CIA had already concluded that such a mistake was a real possibility—a U. S. spy plane was in the same area. “Shultz's periodically overactive ‘suspicion gland’ was at work here. . . . [The] CIA was simply reporting the facts— facts that tended to complicate the nice clean case being used to pillory the USSR.”

In his The Dead Hand: The Untold Story of the Cold War Arms Race and Its Dangerous Legacy, David Hoffman concludes that “while Reagan and Shultz were shaking their fists at Soviet brutality, within two days U.S. intelligence agencies had concluded the whole thing was probably an accident.” He also indicates what Cold-War events came before and after the KAL 007 incident and controversy.

Gates sums up the aftermath to KAL 007: “Official rhetoric and the powerful public reaction in the United States added further stresses to an already very strained relationship.” The U.S. rhetoric and subsequent actions “all together put U.S.-Soviet relations in the deep freeze. Worse than that, there was real fear building on both sides that the situation was so bad, armed conflict was possible.”

Three lessons I draw from the KAL 007 controversy are: 1) Get all the facts you can and don’t rush to judgments. (2) In times of high tension like the Cold War in 1983 or the Ukrainian conflict today, mistakes are often made and innocent civilians suffer. Remember that in 1988 the USS Vincennes, a U.S. guided missile cruiser in the Persian Gulf, made a mistake similar to that of the Soviets in 1983. Our cruiser shot down Iran Air Flight 655, a civilian passenger plane. All of its 290 passengers, including 66 children, died. Vice President George Bush declared, “I will never apologize for the United States — I don't care what the facts are. . . I'm not an apologize-for-America kind of guy.” 3) Don’t make a bad situation (like the present Ukrainian crisis) worse by taking additional war-like steps. Instead redouble efforts to find a peaceful solution, before even more innocent people suffer.

And if you want to look for an excuse to praise President Reagan, do so by remembering his positive responses to Soviet leader Gorbachev’s peace initiatives that coincided with Reagan’s second term. They are much more praiseworthy than his more bellicose words and actions during his first four presidential years. Gorbachev and Reagan found a way to end the Cold War. Presidents Putin and Obama need to follow their example. Following the latest Malaysian airline tragedy, both leaders said that the incident demonstrated the need for a Ukrainian peace solution (for Obama, see here and for Putin here). The time for political rhetoric is over. It’s time for imaginative statesmanship—from both sides.


IT WAS A CLOSE ONE, MAYBE

The JDA Journal has benefited from frequent submissions by our colleague at the FAA, Jim Loos. He hearkened back to his work on the KAL 007 crisis and put his insights on the ICAO review of the Soviets’ despicable act of war on the Korean aircraft.

With the global tensions making headlines these days—Russia’s purported interference with the US elections, the clash between Mr. Putin’s oligarchy and the Ukraine, etc., Jim’s observations are most relevant.

On May 19 2017 Lt Col Stanislav Petrov (ret.) died at his home in Fryazino, Russia. He was 77. He had a fair sized obituary in the Washington Post and probably a few other newspapers around the country, so you might know who he was. I’ll get back to that in a bit.

On the morning of September 1 1983 FAA Headquarters was informed that Korean flight 007 was missing on a flight from Anchorage to Seoul. It was not until noon that it became known that it had been the victim of a rocket fired by a Russian interceptor.

KAL 007 had 269 people on board, including one U.S. Congressman. There were 240 passengers, 3 flight crew, 20 cabin attendants and 6 crew employees of KAL being repositioned to Seoul.

The FAA immediately went to work on collecting material for an accident package…transcripts, controller statements, checking involved navigational aids etc. We developed info on the international coordination that lead to the ICAO approval of the route the Korean jet was (supposed) to be on. It had been approved just about 18 months before after the usual ICAO process plus a meeting with the Soviets since the route was close to their oceanic airspace boundary.

The shootdown was a major international incident. President Reagan, at his home in Santa Barbara, expressed revulsion and returned to Washington. Various methods of retaliation were expressed from sanctions to banning Soviet airliners from US airspace.

Mark Ambinder, in his book “Brink”[1] says the Soviets were already tense. A large-scale NATO military exercise was planned for later in the year which put troops on the Warsaw Pact borders. It was just the previous March that President Reagan had made his “evil empire” speech.

Yuri Andropov, an ex KGB chief and from November 1982 General Secretary of the Soviet Union was in the job for a less than a year at the time of the shootdown. In May of 1981 Andropov “…gathered his (KGB) senior officers to a secret conclave to issue a startling announcement: America was planning to launch a nuclear first strike, and obliterate the Soviet Union.”[2] He held that view until his death in February 1984.

Secretary of State George Schultz recounts the US initial discussions in the development of the US reaction:

People began to give me drafts of what I should say. I found them all dangerously overdrawn, couched in an ominous tone that might suggest some form of U.S. military reaction or retaliation. I rejected the confrontational rhetoric.[3]

President Reagan wanted a strong response, but he did not want to foreclosure on the progress being made with the Soviets on arms reduction and other negotiations.[4]

The Administration, along with a number of other States asked for a meeting of the UN Security Council which went from Sept 1 to Sept 12. On the 12 th the USSR vetoed a condemnation resolution, as expected. The Administration decided to go to ICAO where there was no veto.

The US delegation was headed by J. Lynn Helms the FAA Administrator, with Don Segner, Assistant Administrator for Policy and International, Irene Howie, the FAA’s international lawyer, and me, the bag carrier (and I couldn’t even type) plus a couple of really good State Department people.

We knew it was going to be an ICAO meeting like no other ICAO meeting and we weren’t disappointed. We flew up in an FAA airplane. On arrival we taxied over to the customs shack for a routine check in. Strangely we were asked to get out of the plane and walk over to the shack where we were told thank you and got back on the airplane. I found out later that NBC news had asked the customs folk to get us off the airplane so they could get the “USG officials arrive for important meeting” picture.

The ICAO building was surrounded by Koreans protesting the shootdown, another unusual scene. The building itself was full of media looking around frantically for somebody important to talk to.

As the Council members started to file in the meeting room it was apparent that the NATO members States represented on the ICAO Council had “friends” from their Foreign Ministries to assist.

The Soviet position was that the airplane had violated its sovereign territory and they had every right to shoot it down. Our position was that there were agreed intercept procedures designed to either turn the airplane away or have the airplane land at a suitable airport. There was no evidence that these procedures were used even though the airplane had been over Soviet territory for several hours.

There were specific points at issue. There had been a USAF surveillance aircraft orbiting well off shore for several hours. The Soviets maintained that the targets of the KAL and USAF planes had merged and it appeared that one had taken over for the other. We maintained that the aircraft had never been closer than 75 miles and the radar targets couldn’t have merged

The more perplexing question was how did a modern jetliner, equipped with modern navigation equipment (for the time) could have flown 500 miles off course.[5] We didn’t know the answer to that one but we knew that the Soviets had recklessly shot the aircraft down and that this Organization could not let that go.

The only Council member supporting the Soviet position was from Czechoslovakia, although at the vote three abstained and two were absent. The Council member from India strongly urged that the Organization delay any action until a thorough investigation had been completed, which we were afraid had some logic to it.

We strongly felt that the action of the Soviet Union was so blatant that this civil aviation Organization simply could not let it go without speaking out. The Council approved our proposed resolution which included the phrase:

DEEPLY DEPLORING the destruction of an aircraft in commercial international services resulting in the loss of 269 innocent lives,

On October 1, 1983 the 24 th Session of the Assembly adopted resolution A24-5 which endorsed the Council resolution. The Assembly resolution was adopted by a vote of 65 in favor to 10 against, with 26 abstentions.

After the Council action we flew the FAA airplane back to Washington National. There were no cameras to greet us, just a couple of guys from the hangar to take care of the airplane. Administrator Helms did go on one of the late night news shows, but it was over before I got home. The next morning we were on page 3 of the Times, top left corner, maybe 10 column inches. Not the front page.

So Mr. Helms had accomplished his mission. The US Government, along with its allies, had successfully taken action on an international stage, the aviation world had strongly condemned the Soviet action and, perhaps a paradox, had moved the subject to the mundane (e.g. the B-52s were not in the air).

Serpulkhov-15 was a secret bunker housing one of the Soviet Union’s stations to monitor its early-warning satellites over the United States. On September 26, 1983 one of those satellites sent a signal that a nuclear attack was underway when its computer determined that a missile had been launched from a base in the United States. Soon the system was reporting that five Minuteman intercontinental missiles had been launched. In less than five minutes the senior officer in the bunker, lieutenant colonel Petrov decided the alarms were false. He based his decision partially on a guess, simply that the five missiles were not sufficient to achieve the devastating first strike that logic demanded.

What if President Reagan had decided to take a more militant stand on Sept. 1 and the crisis had escalated, would Lt Col Petrov have felt obliged “to push the button”?

POST SCRIPT: During the second Council meeting on the shootdown Don Segner was asked to come to the Soviet delegation’s office. When he returned, he passed on a message to the State Department informing them that he was told that if we continued to pursue this matter it would have a detrimental affect on US-Soviet relations. We waited a little bit for instructions and then Mr Eagleburger called to inform us that “we would not be blackmailed” and to continue according to our original instructions.

The second Council meeting agreed on an even stronger resolution which said inter alia:

  • CONDEMNS the use of armed force which resulted in the destruction of the Korean airliner and the tragic loss of 269 lives

After some rough moments President Reagan and General Secretary Mikhail Ghorbachev signed the Intermediate Range Nuclear Forces Treaty in 1987

POST POST SCRIPT: The resolution referred to above also said:

  • URGES all Contracting States to cooperate fully in the work of examining and adopting an amendment to the Chicago Convention at the 25 th Session (Extraordinary) of the ICAO Assembly and in the improvement of measures for preventing a recurrence of this type of tragedy.(emphasis added)

We entered into several trilateral meetings with the objective of establishing coordination procedures with Soviets. The last meeting occurred just a few days before the first summit meeting between Mr. Reagan and Mr. Ghorbachev. Both sides wanted an agreement that would show cooperation. We finalized and it was included in the report of the successful summit. We were back on the front page of the New York Times, lower right corner, four lines.

[1] “The Brink, President Reagan and the Nuclear War Scare of 1983”, Marc Ambinder, Simon and Schuster,2018

[2] “The Spy and The Traitor” by Ben MacInyre, Crown Press, Pg. 142

[3] “Turmoil and Triumph”. By George Schultz, Charles Scribner’s Sons, New York, pg 361

[5] At the second Council meeting that reviewed the ICAO secretariat report of the shootdown, Jim Gaustad a member of the Secretariat informed the Council that there had been an incident in 1974 involving a jet airliner which was carrying modern navigation equipment, on a flight from the Caribbean to London. The autopilot was inadvertently disconnected and the flight continued in a northeasterly direction which was initially set up after take-off and continued in that mode for approximately two hours. The crew became aware that their position was incompatible with the flight plan but did not identify the cause and assumed there were Nav failures. They advised air traffic control and turned to an easterly heading, achieving land over Portugal 700 NM south of the cleared track. It was an Aeroflot aircraft.


The Lucky Country: Protect and Survive in Australia

In the 1960's, the term "The Lucky Country" to describe Australia was first coined. Although the origin of the phrase was negative, it began to be used in a favourable manner to describe Australia's natural beauty, abundance of natural resources, and general prosperity. It was a place where people from all walks of life from anywhere in the world could go and have a fair go at a good life. During the days of and following World War III, "The Lucky Country" took on a new meaning. Although it was struck with the hell of nuclear war and suffered a large number of casualties, Australia held together and recovered in a much better fashion that most of the world. In the decades that followed the war of 1984, Australia became "The Lucky Country" to millions of immigrants who lost everything of their old life.

USN vet

Historyman 14

Emperor Norton I

Jonthekid

PimpLenin

The following is an excerpt from A Brief History of the Third World War (2014) produced by the Australian War Memorial in cooperation with the Royal Military College, Jervis Bay

Just as the seeds of the Second World War were planted at the conclusion of the first, so were the seeds of the Third World War planted at the end of the second. The start of the succession of events that directly led to the start of World War III can be traced to 4 November 1980, with the election of Ronald Wilson Reagan as President of the United States. The Soviet Union viewed the election of a right-wing conservative as an end to the period of "detente" enjoyed by the superpowers during the 1970's.

It was not long before the fears of the leaders in the Kremlin were realized. In February 1981, the United States Navy began a series of clandestine naval operations in the Barents, Norwegian, Black, and Baltic Seas, as well as the North Atlantic. U.S. Air Force aircraft began to fly to the outer limits of Soviet airspace on a regular basis to test Soviet response. These "psychological operations" continued through 1983. These operations got their desired effect. In May 1981, Soviet General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev and KGB Chairman Yuri Andropov became convinced that the United States was planning to attack, and ordered the start of the largest peacetime intelligence-gathering operation in Soviet history.

Soviet fears were not helped in any way when President Reagan stated that "freedom and democracy will leave Leninism and Marxism on the ash heap of history" in an address to the British Parliament. On 10 November 1982, Soviet General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev died, and was replaced with Yuri Andropov. As the head of the KGB, the selection of Andropov caused apprehension in the West. As the world entered its last full year of general peace before World War III, President Reagan announced plans for the Strategic Defence Initiative, protrayed by the United States as a safety net against nuclear war. The Soviet Union viewed SDI as a tip of the balance of power to America's favor.

In 1983, both the United States and Soviet Union conducted war game exercises that added fuel to the fire. The first was FleetEx '83, one of the largest fleet exercises held by the United States Navy in the Pacific. During the course of the exercise, a U.S. Navy plane overflew the Soviet island of Zeleny. In response, Soviet aircraft flew over the Aleutian Islands of Alaska, as well as the lodging of a formal diplomatic protest.

FleetEX '83, held in April 1983, was followed up by the Soviet Union in October 1983 with exercises along the border of East and West Germany. NATO forces in Berlin were placed on DEFCON 3 until the end of the exercises. On 2 November 1983, the United States and its NATO allies began a comprehensive and detailed war game known as Able Archer 83. The exercise tested the procedures followed in progressing through all DEFCON alert levels and included the participation of President Ronald Reagan, Vice-President George Bush, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, and West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl. The Soviet Union placed their forces on their highest state of alert during Able Archer 83.

Several military incidents occurred between 1982 and 1984 that aggravated the tensions felt in the months before World War III. From April-June 1982, the United Kingdom flexed its muscles and waged war with Argentina over the possession of the Falkland Islands, South Georgia, and the South Sandwich Islands. The month of October 1983 saw a flurry of activity. On 10 October, NATO began sending reinforcements into West Germany and West Berlin. On 23 October, a truck bomb killed 241 U.S. Marines in Beirut, Lebanon, which led to U.S. airstrikes against the terrorists who claimed responsibility. On 25 October, the United States landed troops on the island nation of Grenada to fight off Cuban forces building bases there and to evacuate American medical students. The invasion was protested by both Cuba and the Soviet Union, and criticised by the United Kingdom.

On 29 December 1983, the U.S. Air Force intercepted a Soviet bomber, escorted by two Cuban fighter planes, ten miles off of the coast of Key West, Florida. The Cubans engaged the American F-16's and were shot down. The Soviet bomber was damaged but returned to Cuba. On 3 January 1984, Cuban fighters were spotted off of the coast of Miami, Florida, but were able to make it back to international airspace before interception.

On 27 October 1983, about 100 youths gathered outside the headquarters of the Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands (SDI) in East Berlin to protest the posture of both the Soviet and American armies in Germany. The number of protesters increased as they moved on to the West German Embassy, and then to the Berlin Wall. Once at the wall, members of the East German Nationale Voksarmee (NVA) attacked the protesters, causing a panic. Protesters began running towards the checkpoints into West Berlin.

At the border, NVA troops fired on the fleeing protesters, killing several. Also killed was a West Berlin police officer and a West Berlin civilian. Another NVA soldier fired a rocket-propelled grenade which missed its target and sailed over the wall into West Berlin. It struck a shop, killing one and injuring six. French and Soviet troops blindly exchanged fire across the border for half an hour. The firing ended when more American and British troops arrived at the scene. On 31 October 1983, NATO and Soviet troops began a mutual draw-down in Berlin, slightly easing tensions in the divided city for the moment.

Another and larger wave of student protests erupted across East Germany on 26 December 1983. Soviet General Secretary Yuri Andropov accused the United States and West Germany of "encouraging anti-socialist sentiment." At the request of East German Chancellor Erick Honecker, Soviet troops attempted to quell student protests in East Berlin, Potsdam, and Leipzig. On 13 January 1984, in response to the crackdown of protests in East Germany, riots broke out in Warsaw and Gdansk in Poland. Polish security forces responded, killing an estimated 50 protesters and arresting over 600 more.

As the possibility of war drew closer, anti-war demonstrations began around the world. On 21 January 1984, demonstrations in Hamburg, West Germany became chaotic as peace marchers clashed with anti-Soviet marchers, resulting in 7 dead, 62 injured, and over 100 arrested. After the British Parliament passed emergency war measure that greatly expanded police powers, riots broke out in the Brixton area of London on 28 January 1984. On 14 February 1984, just four days before the start of World War III, millions around the world took to the streets advocating peace in one last, great effort to avoid war.


George Shultz

George Pratt Shultz ( / ʃ ʊ l t s / December 13, 1920 – February 6, 2021) was an American economist, diplomat, and businessman. He served in various positions under three different Republican presidents and is one of only two people to have held four different Cabinet-level posts. [1] Shultz played a major role in shaping the foreign policy of the Ronald Reagan administration. From 1974 to 1982, he was an executive of the Bechtel Group, an engineering and services company. In the 2010s, Shultz was a prominent figure in the scandal of the biotech firm Theranos, continuing to support it as a board member in the face of mounting evidence of fraud.

Born in New York City, he graduated from Princeton University before serving in the United States Marine Corps during World War II. After the war, Shultz earned a Ph.D. in industrial economics from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). He taught at MIT from 1948 to 1957, taking a leave of absence in 1955 to take a position on President Dwight D. Eisenhower's Council of Economic Advisers. After serving as dean of the University of Chicago Graduate School of Business, he accepted President Richard Nixon's appointment as United States Secretary of Labor. In that position, he imposed the Philadelphia Plan on construction contractors who refused to accept black members, marking the first use of racial quotas by the federal government. In 1970, he became the first director of the Office of Management and Budget, and he served in that position until his appointment as United States Secretary of the Treasury in 1972. In that role, Shultz supported the Nixon shock (which sought to revive the ailing economy in part by abolishing the gold standard) and presided over the end of the Bretton Woods system.

Shultz left the Nixon administration in 1974 to become an executive at Bechtel. After becoming president and director of that company, he accepted President Ronald Reagan's offer to serve as United States Secretary of State. He held that office from 1982 to 1989. Shultz pushed for Reagan to establish relations with Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev, which led to a thaw between the United States and the Soviet Union. He opposed the U.S. aid to rebels trying to overthrow the Sandinistas using funds from an illegal sale of weapons to Iran that led to the Iran–Contra affair.

Shultz retired from public office in 1989 but remained active in business and politics. He served as an informal adviser to George W. Bush and helped formulate the Bush Doctrine of preemptive war. He served on the Global Commission on Drug Policy, California Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger's Economic Recovery Council, and on the boards of Bechtel and the Charles Schwab Corporation.

Beginning in 2013, Shultz advocated for a revenue-neutral carbon tax as the most economically sound means of mitigating anthropogenic climate change. [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] He was a member of the Hoover Institution, the Institute for International Economics, the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, and other groups. He was also a prominent and hands-on board member of Theranos, which defrauded more than $700 million dollars from its investors before it collapsed. [7]